Esther Inglis at the Wormsley Library

Among the exquisite bindings and unique collections of the Library in the Wormsley Estate, Oxfordshire, are three manuscripts by Esther Inglis. One of these, a calligraphic copy of Les Proverbes de Salomon [The Book of Proverbs] made by Inglis in 1599, was published as a facsimile in 2012 by the Roxburghe Club, edited by Nicolas Barker. Barker’s preface to this publication remains one of the most wide-reaching and pertinent introductions to Esther Inglis’ manuscripts to date.

In the summer of 2024, the Esther Inglis project was granted permission to photograph the three Inglis manuscripts held in the Wormsley Library for the project’s online exhibition. This blog post will introduce each of these manuscripts in turn, accompanied with photography carried out by Scriptura with the assistance of the Project Curator. This is the first time that the 1612 and 1624 manuscripts held at Wormsley Library have been made digitally available.

All images are copyright of the University of Edinburgh. The Esther Inglis project is grateful to the owners of the Wormsley Library Inglis manuscripts for granting permission for these books to be photographed, and to Robert Harding for assisting in this process.

This post is written by Anna-Nadine Pike, Project Curator of “Esther Inglis 2024”

1. Les Proverbes de Salomon, 1599. Wormsley Library, RH158

Wormsley Library, RH158, pp. 14-15. Copyright University of Edinburgh

This manuscript copy of the Book of Proverbs in French was produced by Esther Inglis in 1599 as a gift for Catherine de Bourbon (1558-1604), princess of Navarre. As in the other monochrome manuscripts which Inglis made between 1599 and 1602, this Wormsley manuscript has an upright format and is abundantly decorated with pen-work designs which imitate contemporary engravings and ornamentation found in printed books.

Wormsley Library, RH158, pp. 22-23. Copyright University of Edinburgh

The Proverbs themselves have been copied out in Inglis’ characteristically wide range of calligraphic scripts; Nicolas Barker has identified eighteen different styles, most of which appear in this manuscript in multiple different sizes. Turning through its pages, this movement between scripts captivates a viewer’s attention, holding their gaze upon the words of the Proverbs which the manuscript contains.

Wormsley Library, RH158, folio v. Copyright University of Edinburgh

As in other books within this group, the Wormsley manuscript opens with Esther Inglis’ own self-portrait, drawn by hand working from an engraving of the French poet Georgette de Montenay. This self-portrait page also points to an important feature of the Wormsley manuscript; on all but one of its folios, the borders to each page are printed engravings. The exception is the page with Inglis’ own portrait, on which she draws a border in imitation of the printed page opposite it. The subtle visual contrast between these facing pages prompts a response in a viewer which recurs throughout Esther Inglis’ artistry and calligraphy. Her pages present a puzzle asking to be decoded; the viewer must constantly reassess what they think they are seeing, in a process which invites meditation upon the manuscript’s construction, and greater appreciation of Inglis’ artistic skill in producing it.

Wormsley Library, RH158, folio iv-v (detail). Copyright University of Edinburgh

2. The Psalmes of David, 1612. Wormsley Library, BM1851

Wormsley Library, BM1851, fol ii. Copyright University of Edinburgh

Between 1612 and 1615, Esther Inglis began to work in a new style, producing a series of miniature Psalters which, in both size and aspect, closely follow printed Books of Psalms published at a similar time. These manuscripts are characterised by their upright format and their long introductory epistles written to their dedicatees, which represent Esther Inglis’ longest known works in prose. Other manuscripts found within this group are held in the Folger Shakespeare Library, the Royal Library of Sweden, and the National Library of Scotland. Wormsley Library’s BM1851 is important because it is the only manuscript within this group not made for a royal; it is dedicated instead to Sir David Murray of Gorthy, a close friend of Inglis and an important mediator between her family and the Jacobean court — Murray served as Gentleman of the Bedchamber to Prince Henry.

Of the four Psalters within this 1612-1615 group, the Wormsley manuscript bears the least decoration. Each of the other Books of Psalms contain miniature paintings of King David before the start of the Psalm texts, and the title-page to the National Library of Scotland is illuminated with a simplified version of Inglis’ characteristic floral borders. By contrast, BM1851 is embellished only with some gold additions to the title-page and opening of the text. In this way, it bears the closest similarity to the kinds of printed Psalters on which it would have been modelled.

Wormsley Library, BM1851. Copyright University of Edinburgh

Like her other miniature Psalters, this Wormsley manuscript also includes one of Esther Inglis’ self-portraits in a new style which she adopted in 1612. This portrait style sees Inglis depict herself within a blue oval frame, without the addition of the table or writing instruments seen in her earlier manuscripts. Each of these oval portraits were first painted onto card before being cut out and pasted into these miniature books.

Inglis’ 1612-1615 Books of Psalms are written in either French or English; the Wormsley example follows the English Psalms from the Geneva Bible. At first glance, it appears as though the manuscript is written in full imitation of a printed book — as a scribe, Esther Inglis’ later phase of work is characterised by her close reproduction of typeset texts. But the more a viewer turns the pages of this manuscript, the more they find elements which would never be possible in print. In her manuscript for David Murray, Esther Inglis’ writing changes every few Psalms — modulating between print imitation, and a fine secretary script which could only be drawn by hand. In this way, Inglis’ manuscript continually reminds its reader that the beauty and clarity of this pages is not the product of a printing press, but of her own hands.

Wormsley Library, BM1851, front endpapers. Copyright University of Edinburgh

The binding of this Wormsley manuscript is not original; it now has a red leather cover and has been rebound with decorative floral endpapers, typical of the seventeenth or eighteenth centuries. Nicolas Barker suggests that the leather binding is Scottish, pointing to the manuscript’s later life in Scotland.

3. The Booke of the Psalmes of Davide in Prose, 1624. Wormsley Library, BM1850

Wormsley Library, BM1850, folio i. Copyright University of Edinburgh

Esther Inglis returned to the production of miniature Books of Psalms in 1624; alongside this manuscript at Wormsley Library, a second survives in Royal Library of Denmark. Contrasting with her 1612-1615 Psalters, these later manuscripts return to the decorative style of Esther Inglis’ early, monochrome work. They adapt the portrait type Inglis used between 1599 and 1602, and their title-pages repeat some of the decorative pen-work designs found in that earlier manuscript group. In a return to the structure of her 1599-1602 manuscripts, this Psalter also includes copies of the verses to Inglis originally written by Andrew Melville, John Johnstone and Robert Rollock in 1599. These same verses appear in the Proverbes also held at Wormsley, and comparison of these two manuscript types shows some circularity in the progression of Esther Inglis’ work across her lifetime — her final books hold visual echoes of her earliest productions.

Wormsley Library, BM1850, upper binding. Copyright University of Edinburgh

Both of these 1624 Psalters retain their original embroidered bindings; the example from Wormsley Library bears the simple of a pelican in piety, feeding its young. The symbolism of the pelican, an emblem of self-sacrifice frequently associated with the monarchy, implies a royal recipient for this manuscript. This is reinforced by the image of a phoenix on the lower binding, a further symbol befitting a monarch or their heir. The other Psalter produced by Inglis in 1624 is overtly dedicated to Prince Charles and dated to the 5th March; the Wormsley manuscript dates to the 5th May. The March manuscript, however, includes a long prose epistle to Charles which is missing from the May example, leaving its intended owner still unidentified.

Wormsley Library, BM1850, folio iv. Copyright University of Edinburgh

Esther Inglis’ Books of Psalms remain some of her least-known manuscripts in scholarship and beyond. The dispersal of Inglis’ miniature Psalters in libraries across the globe means that comparative work on these books remains a challenge. However, these Psalters are deserving of further attention. They embody an important interweaving of Esther Inglis’ diverse artistic skills, bringing together her crafts of calligraphy, illumination, miniaturisation, print imitation, and embroidery. The hope now is that the increasing accessibility of these manuscripts, facilitated by their digitisation and integration into the University of Edinburgh’s online exhibition, can ensure that these miniature celebrations of calligraphy are not forgotten within Esther Inglis’ remarkable manuscript corpus.

The Art of Writing: A Journey Through Handwriting Evolution and Imitation

This post looks at the development of handwriting and its practice in Western Europe, as seen through examples from the University of Edinburgh Library’s Special Collections.  It was written by Jaycee Streeter, Outreach and Communications Intern for the Esther Inglis Project. Jaycee is a History MSc student at the University, with research interests in late medieval and early modern Scottish history. 

Handwriting has long been more than just a means of communication—it is both an art form and a technical skill, as well as a reflection of cultural values. Over the centuries, the practice of handwriting has evolved in response to new technologies, educational methods, and aesthetic preferences. At the heart of this evolution lies a process of imitation and refinement, guided by teachers and handwriting manuals that sought to standardize and perfect script. From the carefully trained hands of medieval scribes to early modern calligraphers who experimented with new styles, and finally to 19th-century enthusiasts compiling historical examples, the history of handwriting is one of both continuity and transformation. 

This article traces the technical development of handwriting in Western Europe through the lens of imitation and instruction, as seen through examples from the University of Edinburgh Library’s Special Collections. It will start with the uniformity of Gothic script in medieval texts which relied on strict models and training, before moving to the early modern period, where the invention of new scripts was accompanied by the rise in handwriting manuals. Figures such as Esther Inglis, who honed her craft through calligraphic guides, and David Spence whose 1689 handwriting manual offered instruction, will demonstrate this trend. Finally, it will look at the 19th-century renewed interest in historical scripts, and the efforts to both compile early modern examples and imitate medieval scripts.  

Medieval Gothic

Medieval illuminated manuscripts are famous for their decadent designs and a Gothic writing-style called textualis. The uniformity of medieval Gothic script reflects highly structured training and disciplined practice of scribes. Medieval scribes typically learned to write through a structured apprenticeship, often within monastic or cathedral schools.  

Training began with the careful copying of letterforms from models, sometimes using wax tablets before transitioning to parchment. The process emphasized repetition and precision, with scribes working under the supervision of a master. 

This standardization of writing was popular from the 12th to 15th centuries especially, and ensured efficiency and legibility. Special Collections has a variety of medieval manuscripts to examine, but here are two particularly fine examples of Books of Hours created in France in the early 15th century that demonstrate the uniformity of Gothic writing. Books of Hours were prayer books designed for laypeople, and included prayers, psalms, and hymns for at-home devotion. 

Book of Hours (Use of Sarum), c 1500, MS 43, University of Edinburgh (left). Book of Hours (Use of Utrecht), 15th century, MS 46, University of Edinburgh (right).

MS 43 (left) starts with a perpetual calendar, indicating saints days and other holy days. The days are of the week are marked by dominical letters, or Sunday letters (A-G), and indicate corresponding days and dates in the ecclesiastical calendar. In Books of Hours, there could be significant variation between copies based on familial or regional interest in certain saints.

This page of MS 46 (right) shows how the prayers themselves were laid out for reading. Many of the prayers are devoted to powerful intercessors, such as the Virgin Mary and saints, and may include imagery related to that saint’s life.  

In both manuscripts, you can see the faint lines guiding the writing to ensure uniformity and even spacing. Though the adornments surrounding the words are unique, the lettering itself is very uniform, and the script very similar between the two. This is evidence of the aforementioned training that medieval scribes would have gone through to ensure uniformity.  

It’s also worth noting that these are extremely fine examples, created by masters of the craft. Although it is possible they were monastic productions, most Books of Hours were created by professional artisans in towns who would have been paid for their work, or given patronage. The owners of Books of Hours are largely associated with those of high social status.  

Early Modern Calligraphy and Handwriting Manuals 

The middle of the 16th century ushered in a change to handwriting techniques and an excitement about new kinds of scripts. The Renaissance ushered a move away from Gothic scripts, and both Italian and Secretary scripts entered the mainstream. Calligraphers sought to invent new grand ways to present the alphabet, especially in competition with print, which will be discussed more later. Thus the popularity of handwriting manuals emerged as well—instruction books with different font examples for students of calligraphy to imitate and practice, and flourish with their own ideas. 

Esther Inglis, one of Scotland’s most accomplished and skilled early modern calligraphers, is one such student of handwriting manuals. One of her early manuscripts shows her practicing different calligraphy fonts, with increasing theatricality. 

Esther Inglis, “Livret traittant de la grandeur de Dieu et de la cognoissance qu’on peut avoir de luy par ses oeuvres”, 1592, La.III.440, University of Edinburgh.

Some of these styles be traced to Jean de Beauchesne’s “A Booke Containing Divers Sorts of Handes”, a French handwriting manual published in London that Inglis must have had access to. In this way, Beauchesne was one of Inglis’ main teachers in the craft, without ever having to personally instruct her. 

Though the University only has a facsimile of Beauchesne’s manual, there are other examples of handwriting manuals from Britain to explore. Let’s compare David Spence’s “The Penman’s Treasure” (1689) and Thomas Watson’s “Copy Book: Enriched with Great Variety of the most Usefull & Modish Hands” (printed 1707). Both of these handwriting manuals were created in Britain (Scotland and England, respectively) within decades of each other, and they have many thematic similarities.  

David Spence, The Penman’s Treasure, 1689. LA.III.541, University of Edinburgh.
Thomas Watson, A Copy Book: Enriched with Great Variety of the Most Useful and Modish Hands, 1707. RB.F.779, University of Edinburgh.

One thing that separates them is that “The Penman’s Treasure” is hand-written, while “Copy Book” is printed. David Spence takes the reader through a series of scripts via verses that are mostly religious in nature, though some are fun rhyming schemes. About half of the pages also include the alphabet in uppercase and lowercase letters of the script he used on that page. There are flourishes decorating every page, with spiraled figures, called pennetrekken, adorning them. Spence clearly indicates the purpose of the book as a learning tool with the following verse:  

Learne first the Alphabet of Letters which are small, 

And then proceed, and get the Letters Capitall”

David Spence, The Penman’s Treasure, 1689. LA.III.541, University of Edinburgh.

Thomas Watson is explicit about the educational purpose of his copybook. Unlike handwritten exemplars, this book was printed, meaning Watson first wrote out the calligraphy before passing it to an engraver, who traced the work onto a sheet for mass reproduction. The title page identifies Watson as a teacher at a writing school, suggesting the book was likely intended for his students. On the final page, he reinforces his purpose with a witty epigram: 

We need not here set Owles and Apes,

Nor end our Book with rightfull Shapes,

Only to play an after Game.

Perhaps some may by viewing these, 

Turn back to what is past, and please

To try if they can do the same.”

Thomas Watson, A Copy Book: Enriched with Great Variety of the Most Useful and Modish Hands, 1707. RB.F.779, University of Edinburgh.

This poem encapsulates the fundamental goal of handwriting manuals—not only to teach writing skills in the present but also to preserve an art form that was becoming less common. As print gained popularity, handwriting faced a decline, yet works like Watson’s reflect a concerted effort to ensure its survival. 

David Spence, The Penman’s Treasure, 1689. LA.III.541, University of Edinburgh (left).Thomas Watson, A Copy Book: Enriched with Great Variety of the Most Useful and Modish Hands, 1707. RB.F.779, University of Edinburgh (right).

In Competition with Print  

The emergence of print in Western Europe in the 15th century following Gutenberg’s invention of the moveable printing press revolutionized the production of printed material, making it more efficient and more affordable. Although this technological advancement provided speed and uniformity, it could not replicate the artistry and individuality of hand-drawn letters.  

Here is an example of a printed Book of Hours from 1534, compared to the earlier illuminated ones. This version would have taken a fraction of the time to produce, and retained the uniformity favored by Gothic lettering. It even includes the perpetual calendar marked with dominical letters. Although this method limited some of the artistry of the decoration, elaborate borders and printed pictures were still included in these manuscripts. Mass production also made Books of Hours more accessible to the masses, since they took less time to produce, making them cheaper.

Hore beatissime Virginis Marie ad legitimum Sarisburiensis ecclesie ritum, Paris, 1534. MH.193, University of Edinburgh.

Calligraphers working after the rise and spread of print technologies adapted by refining their craft, focusing on decorative aspects and personal expression. This explains the rise in curious scripts like the one’s explored by Esther Inglis—calligraphers wanted to make something printers could not easily replicate.  

Calligraphers also attempted to emulate and perfect the mechanical precision of printed fonts. One way that calligraphers could show off, so to speak, was by creating miniature texts that a printing press would not have been able to create, while emulating the font of a printer. This 17th century miniature prayer book in Latin shows just how closely this print could be imitated.  

Miniature prayerbook in Latin, 17th century. Coll-1314, University of Edinburgh.

Informal Writing

While formal calligraphy and handwriting manuals aimed to perfect script, informal writing in the early modern period served a variety of practical and personal purposes. Beyond professional scribes and calligraphers, individuals used handwriting for everyday tasks, learning exercises, and personal expression. Special Collections has many manuscripts of non-professional writing that demonstrate the importance of even casual handwriting.  

This is a commonplace book from the 17th century contains notes on a variety of subjects, ranging from transcribed songs and theatrical performances to miscellaneous notes on astrology. Commonplace books were used by the literate to write down their thoughts or take notes on what they were seeing. At the beginning of this book, we can see that the first author first began practicing writing down their alphabet. It also includes some notes on grammar and spelling.  

Commonplace book written in several hands, 17th century. MS Comm 2, University of Edinburgh.

Even with the option of printing, handwriting a manuscript was an expression of care and consideration—a labor of love, if you will. This copy of “The staggering state of the Scottish statesmen” is handwritten in neat, though not professional script. The book was published in print in 1754, after the author’s lifetime, but the author hand-wrote several copies “[as a] private solace to himself and a few friends for whom manuscript copies were made”.  

Sir John Scott of Scotstarvit, The Staggering State of the Scottish Statesmen, 17th century. Coll-1157, University of Edinburgh.

Later Preservation & Revival of Calligraphy 

Then, the nineteenth century saw a renewal of interest in calligraphy, driven by a growing appreciation of historical scripts and artistic skill. As industrialization made mass printing possible, handwriting fell further into disuse, and in reaction, scholars, artists, and collectors sought to preserve earlier handwriting traditions. This revival was not only about nostalgia, but also about studying and compiling past examples of scripts to ensure they were not lost.  

One example of this in Special Collections is “Specimens of calligraphic writing, 1570-1624″, a later compilation of early modern calligraphic examples. The examples, which we come from multiple authors and different texts from the later sixteenth century, showcase a later attempt to group and preserve these examples. “Later” used here because the exact date of compilation is unknown.  

Specimens of calligraphic styles of writing, 1570-1624 (approximate), LA.iii.522, University of Edinburgh.

This sometimes led to a kind of “scrapbooking” of medieval and early modern writing. Whole pages or specific drawings were cut out of manuscripts to be pasted into a compilation of one’s favorite pieces. As a result, some of the manuscripts we have now are incomplete. For example, this manuscript would have had colored drawings, as many of Inglis’ manuscripts did, but they have been specifically cut out.  On the right, you can see an example of a drawing that would have been at the top of each page. 

Esther Inglis, “Les Quatrains du Sieur de Pybrac”, 1607. La.III.439, University of Edinburgh.

Not only was there an attempt to preserve these specimens of writing, but interest in the practice was revised, and many tried to replicate earlier scripts in their own hands. The results of this are 19th-century texts that look like they could have been written in the medieval or early modern periods, using scripts that had fallen out of popularity for centuries 

Louisa Mary Freeman, A Selection from the Collects, c. 1880. MS.Add.5, University of Edinburgh.
Commonplace book, 19th century. DN.6.10, University of Edinburgh.

What remains of handwriting? 

Handwriting has always been more than a tool for communication. It is both a discipline and an art form. As with every technological shift in history, from the rise of print to the mechanization of writing, we face a new question: what role does handwriting play in the digital age?  

While the decline of everyday handwriting may seem inevitable, the persistence of calligraphy as a practiced art suggests that we still value the human touch in written form. The same impulse that led 19th-century scholars to preserve early modern scripts or inspired individuals to handwrite books when print was an option can still be seen today in the renewed interest in calligraphy, bullet journaling, and artistic lettering. 

But beyond aesthetics, what does it mean for us to lose the habit of writing by hand? Does the convenience of digital text come at the cost of something intangible? A personal connection to writing, a slower, more deliberate engagement with words? As we move further into an era dominated by screens, perhaps the history of handwriting offers us not just a story of change but a challenge: to consider what is worth preserving and why. 

 

Further Reading:

  • Janet Backhouse and British Library. Books of Hours. London ; British Library, 1985.
  • Stephen Bradford Partridge, and Erik Kwakkel, eds. Author, Reader, Book Medieval Authorship in Theory and Practice. Toronto ; University of Toronto Press, 2012.
  • Christopher De Hamel, Scribes and Illuminators. London: British Museum Press, 1992.
  • Joshua Eckhardt and Daniel Starza Smith, eds. Manuscript Miscellanies in Early Modern England. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2014.
  • Jill Seal Millman and Gillian Wright. Early Modern Women’s Manuscript Poetry. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005.
  • Arthur F Marotti and Michael D Bristol. Print, Manuscript & Performance : The Changing Relations of the Media in Early Modern England. Columbus ; Ohio State University Press, 2000.

Kinship and Calligraphy: Esther Inglis as a Daughter, Wife, and Mother

This post explores the family dynamics of Esther Inglis and their impact on her work. It is written by Jaycee Streeter, Outreach and Communications Intern for the Esther Inglis Project. Jaycee is an MSc History student at the University of Edinburgh with an interest in public history and engagement, as well as Early Modern religious history. This post is written with reference to original research by Jamie Reid-Baxter and Anna-Nadine Pike.

 

Esther Inglis (c. 1570-1624) is best known for her calligraphy skills and her role as a scribe. She was a pious Protestant woman, and many of her manuscripts are devotional texts, such as bible verses, psalms, or other religious verse, which were made to be gifts for others. While her religious devotion is a central theme of her works, her family relationships—shaped by her roles as a daughter, a wife, and a mother—deeply influenced her artistry. Her works hold clues to the kinds of relationships she had with her closest family members. This post will look at some of the references to her family in her manuscripts, and discuss the impact her family had on her work.

A Dutiful Daughter  

Esther Inglis was the daughter of two French Huguenot refugees, Nicolas Langlois and Marie Presot. To escape religious persecution in France, the family fled to neighbouring England before moving up to Edinburgh. There, Nicolas became the master of a French school and Esther began to learn the art of calligraphy. 

The first manuscript we know that Esther wrote dates to 1586, when she was sixteen years old. It is evident that her parents were an essential factor in guiding and instructing their daughter to develop her skill. In a manuscript titled, Livret traittant de la grandeur de Dieu…” (‘Booklet dealing with the greatest of God…’) in which Esther was experimenting with forms of calligraphy and print imitation, there is a reference to her parents, reading:  

Filia me scripsit mandante utroque parente, desidiae calamo taedia discutiens.”

“The daughter wrote me, at the command of both parents, dispelling the tedium of idleness with the pen.”

Folio page of LA.iii.440 with the words, "Filia me scripsit mandante utroque parente, defidiae calamo taedia difcutiens."
LA.iii.440, University of Edinburgh Library.

Esther’s obedience to her parents is evidence that she had early encouragement from them to hone this extraordinary skill. Though she did learn forms of writing from ‘writing manuals’, instruction books which gave direction on different type-forms of calligraphy, Esther’s primary teacher was undoubtedly her mother. Marie Presot was a calligrapher herself, with beautiful penmanship, and was known to give manuscripts as gifts. Only one piece of her writing survives, a letter of thanks from Nicolas Langlois to David Lindsay, who helped the family settle in Edinburgh, which Nicolas credited his wife for writing. In his voice but through her pen, they wrote:  

“Tale tibi munus quaeris cur scripserit uxor?
Virtutis fulsit splendida fama tuae.
Exiguum esto, tamen rarum est, quia foemina scripsit.
Quem nisi rarum hominem munera rara decent?” 

“You ask why my wife wrote you such a gift?
Report of your goodness has shone bright.
Small though the gift be, it is nonetheless a rare one, because a woman wrote it.
Whom but a rare man do rare gifts befit?”

Another thing Esther may have learned from her mother was to sign her name on work produced by her. In the letter to David Lindsay, Marie made sure to finish her letter with the words: Marie Presot Françoise escrivoit à EDIMBVRGH le 24. d’Aoust. 1574. Esther would go on to include her signature in nearly all of her manuscripts, and eventually even added miniature portraits of herself to them.

Picture of Marie Presot's signature at the bottom of letter to David Lindsay.
VAULT Wing MS folio ZW 543 .P922, Newberry Library.

It is worth acknowledging, or at least wondering about, the extent to which Esther might have been an overachiever in her practice. At the time, a woman of her age and status would not have been expected to be able to write to this standard– or anything approaching this standard. Though clearly prompted by her parents, the amount of advanced calligraphy techniques and styles Esther practiced, such as zigzagging letters, or letters with a rope running through them, is extraordinary. These techniques are beyond the scope of what her mother was capable of, as far as we know. It is fun to imagine Esther simply showing off by executing as many curious fonts as possible, just to show that she is capable.

A Collaborative Wife

Esther would have lived with her parents until she was married around 1596. Her husband, a Scotsman named Bartilmo Kello (c. 1564-1631), was part of the spy network adjacent to Anthony Bacon and later worked for the Church. The couple, though not noble, was involved with the royal court of King James VI and an extensive network of scholars, authors, Reformers, and other scribes around Edinburgh, which is the focus of the Rewriting the Script Exhibition. Many of Esther’s manuscripts were given as gifts to those in their circle, including the royal family, probably as a means of gaining political favour from them that would then help Bartilmo’s career. Esther also hoped that she would receive patronage from her recipients, which would come with a monetary reward. 

One example of their collaboration is a manuscript dedicated to Sir David Murray, dated 1608. When James VI ascended to the English throne, the family followed him and his court to London, where they lived for about a decade. There, Bartilmo secured the position as a rector of the parish of Willingale Spain in Essex, likely thanks to the help of this manuscript’s dedicatee. The manuscript, A Treatise of Preparation to the Holy Supper and of our only Saviour and Redeemer Jesus Christ, is a French text translated into English by Bartilmo, as indicated in the title page and preface, and then scribed by Esther to look like printed text.

Image of the title page of the manuscript: La.III.75: Esther Inglis, "A Treatise of Preparation to the Holy Supper and of our only Saviour and Redeemer Jesus Christ", which shows that it was translated by Bartholomew Kello
La.III.75, University of Edinburgh Library.

Several of Esther’s manuscripts were created explicitly at her husband’s request to present to figures in their lives. The stunning “Octonaries upon the vanitie and inconstancie of the world” (1607) was a gift to their landlord, indicating he must have been a good one. In the preface she indicates her husband’s influence, writing: 

“I have at the desyre of my husband prepaired this most singular work
of my pen and pensell for recreation of your mynd.” Title page of "Octonaries Vpon the Vanitie"

Dedicatory page of V.a.92
V.a.92, Folger Shakespeare Library.

Bartilmo even acted as a courier for his wife on many occasions, delivering her work to their intended recipients. An example of this early in their marriage is the journey that Bartilmo took to London to deliver one of Esther’s manuscripts to Queen Elizabeth I. There, he anxiously awaited a reward from the queen in exchange for his wife’s work.

His efforts are noted by Esther in “Argumenta in librum Psalmorum” (1606), when she writes (originally in French, but translated here): 

Whatever it may be, it is devoted to your Lordship, humbly beseeching you  
to graciously accept what I have formed and dedicated expressly,  
and I send it to you with all reverence by the hand of my husband, 
 hoping that it will bring you some enjoyment.” 
Title page of "Argumenta in Librum Psalmorum"

Dedicatory page of MS Typ 212
MS Typ 212, Houghton Library, Harvard University.

Their partnership is in many ways reflective of her parents’ collaboration in the Lindsay letter. Esther turned Bartilmo’s words into beautiful calligraphy to serve as gifts, in the process leaving behind traces of herself in both words and signature. In the manuscript “Les Proverbes du Roy Salomon” (1601), given as a gift to Henri du Rohan, the godfather of Prince Charles, the verses are followed by the phrase, “Hec scripsit coniunx dulci dictante marito” (The wife wrote this, with her sweet husband dictating’).

MS Français 14849, Bibliothèque nationale de France.

The endearment used gives an intimate glimpse into her relationship with Bartilmo, and the partnership they built. The support they lent one another should not be understated, and without each other, neither would have risen to the level of social and political prominence that they did. It is also important to emphasise that although Esther—perhaps strategically—included her husband’s voice in her manuscripts, she retained agency over every creative aspect of the gifts she made.

A Loving Mother

Bartilmo Kello and Esther Inglis created a large family, having eight children. Half of them were born in Edinburgh, the other half in London after the family moved there in 1604. Their family tree can be found here. Perhaps now it is important to note that all of her children bear the last name of their father, Kello. Although it was traditional for Scottish women to keep their last name after marriage in this period, hence why Esther is never referred to as “Esther Kello”, all children assumed their father’s family name.

Unfortunately, not all of Esther’s children survived to adulthood. While the family was living in Essex in 1614, two of her sons, Joseph and Isaac, aged thirteen and nine, passed away from an illness. St. Andrew’s, the parish church that Bartilmo Kello preached as a minister, still bears two memorials for the boys that contain short epitaphs. The poems are similar to other of Esther’s short poetry, and it is possible that Esther herself wrote her sons’ tributes, showing her love and devotion to her children. They read:

This happy child adorned with gifts of grace 
His choice was dissolution. 
To sing with Simeon, to depart in peace,  
Unto Christs heavenly mansion.  

This godly child knew his originall,  
And though right young did scorne base cells of earth.  
His soule doth flourish in Heavens glistering hall 
Because it is a divine plant by birth. 

Shortly following the death of her sons, the family returned to Edinburgh in the summer of 1615. That fall, her oldest son, Samuel, left home to attend university. With him Esther sent her smallest known manuscript, measuring five by three centimetres, dedicated “to my well-loved sonne”. She even wrote him an affectionate verse, which reads:  

My l[oving] sone [your ] resoluti[oun] 
Your godly [pur]pose and you[r] full intent 
When[…]I did reed [the te]ares my [face] ran doun 
[Such] was my ioy [su]ch was my hearts content. 
Deare blessed child, who is so stayd and bent 
To feare the Lord in this your pilgrims race 
Gods sacred LAW to you I haue heere sent 
The full sowme: read oft; Lord incres yr grace. 

MS Typ 49, folio 2r , Houghton Library, Harvard University.

More is known about Samuel than any of Esther’s other children, as we have this record of him, and the only surviving personal letter of Esther’s that is known is regarding Samuel. The letter is addressed to none other than King James VI/I, who she had a personal connection to, and asked the favour of recommending her oldest son to sum fellowship either in Cambridge or Oxefoord as occasion shall fall out’. Just as Esther once leveraged her political connections to garner favour for her husband, she then extended the same care and consideration for her son. Here we get a glimpse of a mother willing to do anything to secure her child’s lot in life. 

MS 33.1.6, Vol. 20, no. 21 , National Library of Scotland.

Because Esther learned the art of calligraphy from her own mother, Marie, it is natural to wonder if she extended the same lessons to any of her own children. The short answer: it is unknown. The only handwriting sample we have of one of her children is from Samuel, who although not illegible, shows no great aptitude for artistry. Because the calligraphical skill was passed down through the female line in Esther’s experience, it is not impossible to think that one of Esther’s daughters took up the skill, but there is no evidence of that as of now. Regardless, Esther clearly had great love for her children and was invested in their success.  

 

Although Esther is often put her religious and political context, this look at her familial life shows that her intimate family relations were a driving force in her work and life. The deep connections she had with each generation of her family, from her parents to husband to children, give us the picture of a woman who loved and valued those closest to her, and that they inspired and encouraged her in return. Her manuscripts are more than just extraordinary examples of calligraphy—they are intimate artifacts of a life deeply intwined with family, faith, and creativity.  

Esther Inglis and her family in Edinburgh

This post explores in further detail the connections between Esther Inglis (c.1570-1624), her family, and the city and University of Edinburgh. This post is written by the project curator, Anna-Nadine Pike, with reference to unpublished research provided by Dr Jamie Reid Baxter (University of Glasgow).

Esther Inglis died on 30th August 1624. Her will, now held in the National Records of Scotland, is dated to the 11th March 1625; it records her death, and describes Inglis as “sometime spouse to Bartilmo Kello, indweller in Leith”. Four hundred years later, 2024 offers a milestone anniversary in which to celebrate and share the work of this unparalleled calligrapher, who deserves far greater recognition within and beyond the city in which so many of her manuscripts were produced. The city of Edinburgh itself plays a significant part in Esther Inglis’ life and manuscripts. From their first arrival in the city as Huguenot refugees, Inglis and her family were immersed in the urban landscape and networks of early modern Edinburgh. In September 1574, as Jamie Reid Baxter has discussed, Inglis’ father Nicolas Langlois became master of the French School in Edinburgh. From the 11th November that year, this post afforded accommodation for him and his family in a house “at the New Well”, owned by Alexander Udwart, close to the modern Guthrie Street which connects Chambers Street to Cowgate. The Burgh Records of Edinburgh for July 1580 note the payment “to Alexander Vddert £10” by the Council, to account for “the hous and schole of the maister of the Frainsche schole, Nicolas Anglois”. The Langlois family had early links with other high-ranking individuals in Edinburgh, including David Lindsay, the minister of Leith, who provided early assistance to Nicolas and Marie Presot on their arrival in the capital.

Esther Inglis’ further integration into the political and social networks of Edinburgh must have followed her marriage to the Scottish clerk Bartilmo Kello, who was a servitor to his kinsmen Bishop Adam Bothwell and his son John, Lord Holyroodhouse. Several of Inglis’ surviving manuscripts are dedicated to members of the Scottish nobility; in 1602, she presents an intricate copy of the books of Ecclesiastes and Lamentations in French to Archibald Campbell, 7th Earl of Argyll (1575-1638). In a flattering dedication, she describes the many “rares vertus desquelles Dieu et nature se sont forcez d’orner vostre Seigneurie par dessus les autres Princes de vostre aage” [rare virtues with which God and nature have been compelled to adorn your Lordship, above the other Princes of your age]. At least four manuscripts were presented to Scottish men and women in the year 1616 alone: to Robert Frenche, Clerk of Kircaldy, the Archbishop of St Andrews John Spottiswood, to Robert Boyd of Trochrig, and to Boyd’s wife, Anna Maliverne de Lavignolle. The dedicatory letters which Esther Inglis writes, mostly in French, between 1599 and 1602, and again from 1616, are often signed “a Lislebourg” [at Edinburgh] or “de Lislebourg en Ecosse” [from Edinburgh in Scotland]. In this way, her books emphasise their Scottish production, while also retaining Esther Inglis’ own identity as a Frenchwoman who lives and works “en Ecosse”.

The end of Inglis’ dedication to Elizabeth I in a 1599 Book of Psalms. Oxford: Christ Church, MS 180, fol.Vv.

 

Beyond Inglis’ connections with the city of Edinburgh, however, there is a further significance to “Esther Inglis 2024” taking place within this University. The University of Edinburgh was founded as Tounis College in 1582, opening in 1583, and initially offered just one four-year course, the Master of Arts. The first principal of the University was Robert Rollock (1555-1599), and from August 1587 the graduations of the college began to be recorded. In 1588, one of these graduates was David Inglis, Esther Inglis’ elder brother. It is likely that this is the same “David Inglis” who, in 1588, adds his signature to the First Laureation Album held in the University’s archives.

Laureation Degrees for 1588 (First Laureation Album). Edinburgh University Archives, EUA IN1/ADS/STA/1/1

 

Robert Rollock is also one of several Scottish individuals who composes neo-Latin verses in praise of Esther Inglis’ calligraphy; Inglis copies such laudatory verses by Rollock into her manuscripts between 1599 and 1606, and again in 1624.  One such example is this four-line verse, included in Inglis’ 1599 Book of Psalms for Queen Elizabeth I. Rollock compares Inglis to the classical Greek artist Apelles who was famed for his ability to paint the finest line possible:

Egregiam peperit laudem sibi pictor Apelles
Caelatur Calamis arte etiam meruit
Tu calamo Calamin superas pictura et Apellem
Psalmographi pingens Davidis Ester opus.

[The painter Apelles won great praise for himself
It is engraved that, by the art of the pen, he also deserved it
You, Esther, by the pen surpass the pen, and surpass Apelles in depiction
Depicting the work of the psalm-writer David.]

Poem by Robert Rollock in praise of Esther Inglis. Oxford: Christ Church, MS 180, fol.VIIv.

Robert Rollock writes further epigrammatic verses which are dedicated to the specific recipients of some of Inglis’ manuscripts; he writes a verse in praise of Robert Earl of Essex to be included in the Book of Proverbs which Inglis dedicates to Essex in 1599. He also writes a verse for Elizabeth I, for Inglis’ 1599 Psalms, and another for Anthony Bacon, the dedicatee of Inglis’ copy of Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs, also in 1599.

Even prior to his offering of these verses, however, Robert Rollock seems to have have established a yet closer relationship with both Inglis and Kello. This is suggested by his appointment as a witness to the baptism of Samuel Kello on the 13th March 1596 — a role which, Jamie Reid Baxter notes, is equivalent to a godfather. Samuel was baptised with his twin sister, Agnes, about whom, sadly, nothing else is presently known.
Samuel Kello is later seen to have followed in the footsteps of his uncle, David Inglis, in attending Edinburgh’s Tounis College. He matriculated at the University in 1615, and in 1617 is described as Academiae Edinburgensis Alumno on the title-page of a printed collection of poems which he authored and dedicated to James VI/I. The shortened title of this volume is Carmen gratulatorium [a song of congratulations], published by the Edinburgh printer Andro Hart.

The University of Edinburgh, then can be seen as a truly fitting place in which to celebrate the manuscripts and life of Esther Inglis, and the circles in which she moved. The newly-founded University played an important part in the lives of Inglis’ relations, soon after their arrival in the city. The Inglis-Kello family later establish a lasting connection with Robert Rollock, its first principle, whose personalised verses seem to integrate Inglis’ calligraphic manuscripts into his own early-modern scholarly network. The city of Edinburgh itself is woven into the impression of authorial identity which is found in Esther Inglis’ early manuscripts, and becomes a place to which she returns in later life. Four hundred years later, the University of Edinburgh is working to ensure that the impression which Esther Inglis and her family left upon this city in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is not forgotten.

Esther Inglis’ Discours de la Foy, 1591, with “Escrit a Lislebourg” on its title-page. San Marino: Huntington Library, HM 26068.